Abstract
The demise of Qing’s imperial regime caused some of constituent members to get a chance for changing their political positions. At the last stage some of them wanted newly invented nation states, tried to build the new foundations, finally Mongol achieved the goal incompletely, but Tibet and Uyghur failed. Of course there was a Chinese acute count-attack for keeping territory inherited from the Qing Empire. During the late imperial Qing, Qing government desperately tried to maintain their territory, moreover after the collapse of this government at the very time the Republic of China was established, for the consistent control of the border area the Chinese Republicans founded the Meng-zang Gong-zuo-chu (蒙藏工作處) succeeded the Qing’s Li-fan-yuan (理藩院 est. 1636) in 1912, renamed to the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission (蒙藏委員會) in 1929. So for the resistance against the consolidation policy of the Qing and the Republicans, the Fan-bu (藩部<Man. Tulergi golo), dependent parts under the Qing, could expected to make alliance to some degree. In certain aspects it could be the first consideration more than the coalition with the outside European powers. Among the near future candidates for independent states from the Qing’s regime had to derive some sort of internal agreement each other. So there was high possibility these candidates would try to organize an internal league among countries with similar interests “independent from the Qing’s regime”. On that point basically the Mongols had been in the same political position with Tibet during the Qing, so there was pretty good probability that the Mongol government of Jebdzundampa would participate in the diplomatic step “Tibeto-Mongol Treaty of 1913” with Tibet. Furthermore in history we can see the close correspondence between Tibet and Mongols. Since the rise of Russian and Qing Empire the central part of Eurasia basically divided into the East, West Turkestan and they defined borders on the Mongolian territories, then we almost forgot the historical role of Mongols, but we have to remind that at least around 18thcentury still there was the strong Mongols like the Zunghar, the Khalkha, and they ruled some parts of Central Asia and the most part of Inner Asia mainly composed of the Tibet, Mongols and Uyghur before Qing reorganized them into Fan-bu(藩部). Qing government’s official records underlined that Qing emperors achieved several monumental military victories over the Zunghar Mongols and “pacified and settled (平定)” the borders and make them the wall to protect Manchu-Qing Empire, like in the military chronicle Record of the Emperor’s Personal Expeditions to Pacify the Northern Frontiers(『欽定平定朔漠方略』). Simultaneously with the military campaign historical reinterpretation was under way and through the retrospective historiographies Manchu emperors were glorified and empowered with Heavenly forces. But the success of Qing’s military campaigns was not only caused by the Manchu military forces endowed from Heavenly authority. In the beginning of the Late Jin(後金), Manchu court struggled and cooperated with the eastern Mongols and participated into the religio political community of Tibetan Buddhism by the Mongol-connection, and at last replaced the position of highest patron to the Manchu Emperor called “the Manjusiri Bogda Khan”. Since the 16thcentury among the struggles for re-establishing the Great Mongol Empire, Mongols re-accepted the Tibetan Buddhism as the principle in herited from Qinggis and Kubilai Khan of the Great Mongol Empire. In this way Tibetan Buddhism got the Religio political position and Tibetan-Mongol connection ruled Inner Asia in their way “the Tibetan Buddhism World Order” controlled under the disciplines conducted by the priests and patrons, however even they are not mutually equal. Under this circumstance Manchu who wanted to be an influential patron had to make connections with the clergy of Tibetan Buddhism, if not, Manchu could not have got any chances to get into the Inner Asian network. That was the precondition that Manchu got the license to interfere the Mongol problems. The Qing court exerted great efforts to be the center in the Tibetan Buddhism World. It started promptly in 1636 when the Manchu court officially changed the state’s name Late Jin into Qing. Taizong Hongtaiji who received the title Sechen khan from Mongols after the title of Kubilai Khan made fairly important foundation to rule the descendents of Dayan Khan, and then he suggested to Khalkha Mongols inviting Dalai Lama together. In that time Qing emperor could not propose any specific plan about the inviting time or place, rather he had to listen to opinions of Mongols and Tibet Gelukpa, to make matters worse Qing court could not send his envoy to Tibet directly. Actually after fulfilled the relative success in Ming-Qing Transition and made agreement of short cooperation with Amdo Khoshot Mongols, Qing court was allowed to invite the Dalai Lama, and made connections with several important high level lamas in Inner Asia. The first envoy Sechen Chorji(later titled Ilakghuksan qutughtu) who sent to Tibet by Qing court written in Qing-shi-lu(『淸實錄』) in 1640’s was originally the envoy of the Gelukpa Panchen Lama from Amdo.InthetravelingbackandforthbetweenTibetLhasaandManchuMukden(盛京) Sechen Chorji played the important role as messenger, but politically he was not solely stand on Manchu side. In Qing’s historical accounts he is not the only one who described as the Qing’s envoy regardless of his intention of lama himself. For example Achitu Gelung of Khalkha Mongols who was the Jebdzundampa’s disciple participated rebuilding the Erdeni Juu as a sculptor and painter in 1681, and around 1684 he was the messenger among Khalkha Mongols, Qing and Tibet for preparing the Khurinbelchir Assembly held for solving problems between the Left and the Right Wing of Khalkha Mongols. From these examples we can approach to two points; first, these lamas’ political position was totally different with modern state’s diplomat with his own nationality. At least since the 17thcentury in the Tibetan Buddhism World, the prominent lamas who got the high position, good reputation and having good relationship with the Gelukpa Government could have opportunities got supports from Qing court or Mongols. The relationship between priest and patron formed fairly complicated multiple connections and represented opinions of religio political communities and governments. Second, so for getting the center position “Highest Patron of Dalai Lama and Gelukpa” amongst the Tibetan Buddhism World, Qing government desperately needed these lama-connections played as envoys and negotiators standing on the Qing’s side. Finally Qing government got the efficient system “Beijing-resident Lama” (駐京喇嘛) including like the Changgya qutughtu(章嘉呼圖克圖) lineage. Talking about Agvan Dorjiev (1854-1938) we mainly have concerned his Russian connection, but as we know, it caused by the British suspicion on him as a Russian spy. What was worse, this bad British reputation on him brought strong damaging effect on his authority signed this 1913 Treaty and undermined the international validity of this treaty. Actually he was a typical Gelukpa lama played important role as Dalai Lama’s messenger in Inner Asian network like above mentioned lamas during the Qing. Through this process Qing got the center position in Inner Asian network. From Kangxi emperor(r.1661-1722) started to build the Mountain Resort(避暑山莊) and the Eight Outer Temples(外八廟) in Cheng-de(承德) and finally during the Qianlong Emperor(r.1735-1796) completed the construction of the Eight Outer Temples in Cheng-de, so called Jehol(熱河) as the capital of nomadic and Tibetan Buddhism World in Qing’s realm along with the lasting memorial to the victory to Zunghar Mongols. After the glorious time of the Great Fifth Dalai Lama(1617-1682), there had been some dramatic changes in the balance of power among the Mongols and Qing Manchu, but the Dalai Lama still maintained the position the highest priest in Tibetan Buddhism World until the late Qing, even though the Panchen Lama and the Jebdzundampa’s rank was promoted to the corresponding rank of Dalai Lama’s in Qing’s law(『理藩院則例』). And every year the Gelukpa still awarded high-level degrees for monks on the smon lam chen mo(The Great Prayer) in Lhasa sponsored by the influential patrons in Inner Asia. Undeniably Lhasa still was the religiopolitical center in Tibetan Buddhism World, however since the mid-18th century Lhasa and Cheng-de divided its historical role as the religiopolitical center. During the late Qing, Qing forces suffered a series of disastrous defeats from inside and outside. The European Powers enforced to open several important trade ports along the east coast of Qing, on the other side the British India attempted to open relations with Tibet, finally in 1903-04 the British expeditionary forces invaded Tibet, Dalai Lama fled Lhasa traveled to distant Urga(Yeke Khuriye), the capital city of Khalkha Mongols. It caused by direct invasion of the British troops, but his journey to Urga fairly resembled to other pilgrimages of the Third Dalai Lama(1578-88), the Great Fifth Dalai Lama(1651-53) and the Sixth Panchen Lama(1780) and so on. Of course they were in the different political situations in the Gelukpa and sponsored by the different patrons around the Inner Asia, so these pilgrimages had its own different purposes from each sides. But every pilgrimage was performed in the quite distinct systematic manners “chos-yon”, the symbiotic relationship between a religious figure and a lay patron, shared by every part of the Tibetan Buddhism World. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama’s long trip(1904-09) away from Lhasa to Urga, went through the Mountain Wutai in Shanxi, and Beijing(1908) was also one of series of his predecessors’ pilgrimages with the courteous formality in the Tibetan Buddhism World. But more or less it had been changed in a perfunctory manner. So from this trip the Thirteenth Dalai Lama saw that it had been coming unforeseeable consequences for the relationship chos-yon. Unfortunately this time he couldn’t find the next patron who substitutes for the Qing’s position to protect the Gelukpa and Tibetan Buddhism World. In that situation his next step had to proceed to establish the Tibetan nation state preparing for the Qing’s collapse.
Translated title of the contribution | The legacy of Tibetan Buddhism around the Qing and the 1913 Tibeto-Mongol Treaty |
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Original language | Korean |
Pages (from-to) | 135-184 |
Number of pages | 50 |
Journal | 몽골학 |
Issue number | 35 |
DOIs | |
State | Published - Aug 2013 |